What Ike Said When Patton Stole Austria From The Soviets

4 May 1945:  S.H.A.E.F. Headquarters Rheims, France. General Dwight D. Eisenhower is reviewing German surrender protocols with his Chief of Staff, General Walter Bedell “Beetle” Smith. The war in Europe has days left, maybe hours. The Third Reich was collapsing from every direction. Ike’s nightmare is almost over, when a staff officer enters the room. He’s holding a field report. His face is tight. Beetle takes the report, scans it, and his expression changes. “Sir, we have a situation with the Third Army.” Ike looks up from the surrender documents. “Patton is in Linz.” Beetle says. Ike blinks and asks: “Linz?  That’s in Austria.” Beetle nods slowly and replies “80 miles past his stop line, sir.”  The Soviets are 30 miles East. The room goes silent.  Eisenhower stands up and walks to the war map. His finger traces the line from the Danube River to Linz, 80 miles through mountainous terrain. The Third Army wasn’t supposed to move at all.  They were holding at the Danube River per explicit orders from S.H.A.E.F. that came from agreements made at Yalta in February between Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin about occupation zones in postwar Austria.

“When did he cross the Danube?” Eisenhower asks. “2nd May, sir. 0400 hours. No authorization requested.” Beetle replies. Ike stares at the map.  The North-South leg of the Danube River near Schärdingwas the agreed stop line. Everything East of the Danube was designated for Soviet occupation. “That’s impossible…” Eisenhower says quietly, “we have explicit agreements with the Soviets about stop lines.” Beetle pulls out another document.

Field Report 33782: “THIRD ARMY ELEMENT SECURED LINZ AT 0600 HOURS 4 MAY. BRIDGES INTACT. 11^th ARMORED DIVISION ESTABLISHING DEFENSIVE POSITIONS EAST OF THE CITY.”

Ike does the math in his head. “80 miles in two days. That’s not a reconnaissance patrol. That’s not a tactical adjustment. That’s a full army advance into the Soviets expecting to occupy that sector.” he says slowly.  Beetle nods. “Yes, sir. And according to intelligence, the Red Army’s Sixth Guard’s tank army is 20 miles from Linz.” Eisenhower closes his eyes. American forces and Soviet forces are about to meet in Linz, Austria, and nobody coordinated this. Nobody authorized this.  “Patton just decided to take the city apparently, sir,” Beetle says carefully. “General Patton interprets stop lines as suggestions.” Eisenhower turns from the map. “Get him on the phone now.” Beetle hesitates. “We’ve been trying, sir. Third Army headquarters says he’s at a forward command post. They’re having difficulty establishing contact.” “Difficulty?” Eisenhower repeats.  “Yes, sir.” Eisenhower sits back down at his desk. He’s the Supreme Commander of Allied forces in Europe. He answers to Washington, London, and indirectly to Moscow through the Combined Chiefs, and one of his army commanders just seized a city in the Soviet occupation zone without orders. “Keep trying,” Eisenhower says “and get me everything we have on every unit, every forward element. I want to know exactly where Patton is and what he’s doing.” Beetle salutes and leaves. Eisenhower looks back at the surrender documents on his desk. Germany is about to surrender unconditionally. The war is about to end and Patton just started anew and Patton isn’t answering his phone. It takes four hours.  Four hours of radio calls, field telephone relays, and messages passed through Third Army headquarters before Eisenhower finally gets Patton on the line.

4 May 1944,1400 hours. Patton is at his forward command post in Linz itself. “George” Eisenhower says and his voice is cold. “What the hell are you doing in Linz? You were ordered to hold at the end of the river.” There’s a pause.  Then Patton’s voice comes through crackling over Ike. “The bridges were intact. The Germans were retreating east. Someone had to secure the area. The Soviets were supposed to secure that air.”  Ike replies “We have signed agreements. Stalin is already sending messages through General Marshall to S.H.A.E.F. about American units in the Soviet occupation zone.”  “Well, Ike” Patton says, and there’s that familiar tone in his voice, unapologetic, “I figured possession is 9/10 of the law. We’re here. We took it without firing a shot. The local population is actually relieved to see us instead of the Red Army.” Eisenhower rubs his forehead. “This isn’t about tactics, George. This is diplomacy.  We’re trying to build a postwar alliance with the Soviets. You’ve just driven a tank column straight through that alliance.”  “With respect, sir, if we’re building an alliance, we should negotiate from a position of strength. Right now, we’re in Linz. They’re not. That’s strength.”  “George” Eisenhower says, and his voice drops, “I need you to understand something. President Roosevelt has been dead for 3 weeks. Truman is trying to establish credibility. The entire postwar order is being negotiated right now and you’ve just made my job as supreme commander infinitely harder. I need you to hold your current position and prepare to withdraw if ordered.” There’s silence on the line. Then Patton speaks again.  “Withdraw?” His voice is sharp, “Ike. These are American positions now. My men took this tract. They bled to get here.”  Eisenhower replies: “Your men weren’t authorized to be there in the first place.” Another long silence. Eisenhower can hear voices of the officers talking. Radio chatter. “Understood, sir.” Patton finally says, “Third Army will hold the current post.”   Ike says “George, I’m serious about this. Do not.” The line clicks. Patton has hung up. Eisenhower slowly puts down the receiver.  Beetle is standing in the doorway. “How did it go, sir?”  “He hung up on me,” Eisenhower says. “Get me a direct line to General Marshall in Washington and find out everything you can about Soviet positions in that sector.  If their forward elements run into Patton’s armor, this could get very bad very fast.” Beetle nods and leaves. Eisenhower sits alone in his office, staring at the map on the wall. Linz 80 miles past the stop line and Patton isn’t backing down.

5 May 1944.  The situation escalates. Soviet Marshall Fodor Tolbukhin dispatches an urgent communication to S.H.A.E.F. headquarters.  “Red Army units approaching Linz from Czechoslovakia have encountered American armored forces.”  Tolbukhin demands immediate clarification of American positions and intentions. The Soviets expected to occupy Linz per the Yalta agreements. Their maps show Linz squarely in the Soviet occupation zone and now local Austrian officials are telling them that the Americans arrived first.  The message is polite, diplomatic, but the undertone is clear. What are American forces doing in Soviet territory? Eisenhower drafts a response. It’s carefully measured. He explains that the Third Army pursued retreating German forces across the North-South leg of the Danube River and secured Linz to prevent chaos during the final collapse of German resistance.  He assures Tolbukhin that American forces will coordinate with Soviet command regarding final occupation zone boundaries. He doesn’t mention that Patton never requested authorization for the advance nor that Patton is now fortifying positions around Linz and he definitely doesn’t mention that Patton has no intention of withdrawing.  That afternoon the situation gets worse. General George C. Marshall cables from Washington. President Truman is receiving formal protests from Soviet Ambassador Maxim Litvinov. Stalin himself has sent a message to Truman questioning American adherence to the Yalta agreements. Truman wants an immediate explanation.  This is Truman’s first major test in allied coordination. Roosevelt negotiated Yalta. Roosevelt built the alliance. Truman has been president for three weeks and now Stalin is asking if the United States keeps its agreements.

Marshall’s cable is direct. “RESOLVE LINZ SITUATION IMMEDIATELY.  THE PRESIDENT CANNOT AFFORD CONFRONTATION WITH THE SOVIETS DAYS BEFORE GERMAN SURRENDER.”  Ike reads the cable twice then he calls his staff together. “What’s Patton’s current status?” He asked. An intelligence officer steps forward with a map. “Sir, Third Army has elements of the 11^th Armored Division in and around Linz.  They’ve also moved the 65^th Infantry Division forward. Estimates put American strength in the Linz sector at approximately 23,000 troops. The Red Army’s Sixth Guard’s tank army is 18 miles east of Linz. Marshall Tolbukhin is moving elements of the Fourth Ukrainian front south. We estimate 80,000 Soviet troops within twenty four hours of Linz, sir.”  Eisenhower looks at the map. “23,000 Americans, 80,000 Soviets in peacetime Austria with no clear orders about who withdraws. What’s Patton do?” The intelligence officer hesitates. “Sir, according to reports from Third Army headquarters, General Patton has ordered defensive fortifications constructed around key positions in Linz. He’s also moved additional units to secure roads leading to Saltzburg.”  “Defensive fortifications?” Ike repeats. “Yes, sir.” Ike turns to Beetle Smith. “He’s digging in.”  Beetle nods. “It appears so, sir.”  Ike orders “Get me Churchill’s staff. I need to know what London’s position is on this and find out if Truman has responded to Stalin yet.” The staff disperses.

Eisenhower stays at the map, staring at Linz. Patton isn’t preparing to withdraw. He’s preparing to stay, but Patton had already made his next move, and this one would bring Stalin himself into direct confrontation with American forces.

6 May 1945. Patton’s headquarters in Linz receives visitors, Austrian officials from the city administration.  They’re asking for American civil affairs support. Schools need to reopen. Infrastructure needs repair. The local population needs food distribution organized. They’re not asking the Americans, Patton says yes. By midday, the Third Army had established a military government offices in Linz. American civil affairs officers are coordinating with Austrian officials.  The population of Linz, 180,000 people, is now under American administration. Ike finds out through an intelligence summary that evening. He reads it twice, then sets it down on his desk. “Patton established a military government…” Eisenhower says to Beetle. “He’s not occupying Linz. He’s administering it.”  “Yes, sir.” Beetle says. “And there’s more.  Patton has moved units to secure Mauthausen.” Eisenhower looks up Mauthausen, the concentration camp that the Third Army liberated on 5 May. One of the worst camps the Allies have found. Tens of thousands of prisoners. Evidence of mass murder. “Mauthausen is 15 miles east of the Danube.” Beetle continues. “Technically in the Soviet zone per Yalta. Patton has positioned the 11^th Armored to maintain control of the camp and surrounding area.”  Ike is silent for a long moment. Mauthausen. If Third Army withdraws, the Soviets take control of the prisoners and the evidence. “What’s the Soviet reaction?” Eisenhower asks. Beetle pulls out another cable. Marshall Tolbukin has sent a second communication. “Soviet forces are requesting immediate American withdrawal to the NS river line. They’re calling the current situation an illegal occupation of Soviet territory.”  “Illegal occupation…” Ike says quietly. “Yes, sir.” Smith answers. Ike stands and walks to the window. Outside, Rheims is quiet. The war is almost over. Germany is about to surrender and his Third Army commander is in a standoff with the Red Army over Austria. “Any incidents?”  Ike asks.  “Two reports of Soviet reconnaissance patrols encountering American positions. No shots fired, but tensions are high. Both sides are watching each other.”  Ike turns back to Beetle.  Ike drafts a withdrawal order. “THIRD ARMY IS TO PULL BACK TO NS LEG OF DANUBE RIVER WITHIN 48 HOURS.”  “I’ll sign it in the morning after I speak to Marshall.” Says Ike. Beetle nods. “Yes, sir.” Smith replies.  “And General Patton, tell him I’m flying to Austria. I’ll deliver the order personally.”  What Ike didn’t know yet was that Patton had already issued orders that would make withdrawal virtually impossible.

That same evening, Patton meets with his division commanders at his headquarters in Linz.

The 11^th Armored Division Commander, General Charles Kilburn is there as well as Major General James Polk of the 65^th Infantry Division. Patton spreads a map on the table. “Gentlemen” Patton says, “We’re staying in Linz.” Kilburn glances at Polk. “Sir, that isn’t authorized.”  “I don’t care what S.H.A.E.F. has or hasn’t authorized.” Patton interrupts.  “We took this ground. We’re holding this ground. The Soviets want it. They can ask politely.” General Polk says carefully, “The Soviets have significant forces moving into the area. If they decide to press the issue, then we’ll have a problem.”  “But that’s their problem, not ours. We have the best defensive terrain between here and Berlin.  We have the local population on our side, and we have Mauthausen. Those prisoners aren’t going under Soviet administration. Not while I’m in command.” says Patton. Kilburn nods slowly. “Understood, sir. What are your orders?”  “Fortify every key position. I want defensive lines established on the roads leading into Linz from the East. Coordinate with civil affairs to integrate the local population.”

“Mark this, sir.” Polk says “Ike is going to order us to withdraw.” Patton looks at him “Probably. But it takes time to withdraw an army. Logistics coordination could take a week, maybe longer. A lot can happen in a week.”  The division commanders exchange a glance. They understand. Patton is buying time. One more thing, Patton says.  “No incidents with Soviet forces. If their patrols approach, be polite, professional, but don’t move. Understand?”  “Yes, sir.” Say both commanders. Patton nods. “Good. Dismissed.” After they leave, Patton’s intelligence officer, General Oscar Koch approaches.  Koch says quietly. “This is going to create a crisis at the highest levels.”  “I know. That’s the point, Oscar.” says Patton.  He looks at the map, at Linz, at the Soviet positions to the east, at the line that marks the Yalta agreement boundary. “We just spent four years defeating Germany,” Patton says. “and now we’re going to hand half of Europe to the Soviets.  Poland, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Hungary-all of it.  Nobody in Washington or London seems to understand what that means. Ike understands the political situation; he’s a politician.  He has to be. I don’t. My job is to win. And right now winning means holding Linz.”  Koch is silent. “They’ll order me to withdraw” Patton continues, “but until they do, we’re here. And maybe, just maybe, someone in Washington will wake up and realize we’re giving away everything we fought for.”  He walks to the window and looks out at Linz-at the Austrian city that isn’t supposed to be under American control. “Get some sleep, Oscar.” Patton says, “Tomorrow is going to be interesting.”

And then the Soviets made a move that changed everything.

7 May 1945. Germany surrenders unconditionally. The war in Europe is officially over. General Alfred Jodl signs the instrument of surrender at 0241 hours in Rheims. Eisenhower witnesses it. So does Marshall Georgie Zhukov for the Soviet Union. The Third Reich is finished and now the “Linz situation” isn’t a tactical problem during active combat. It’s a pure political crisis.  American and Soviet armies are facing each other in peace time Austria, with no clear authority about who withdraws.  The reports start coming in within hours of the surrender.  

Report from 11^th Armor Division:  “LOCAL AUSTRIAN OFFICIALS REQUESTED AMERICAN CIVIL AFFAIRS ADMINISTRATION.  SCHOOLS REOPENING UNDER U.S. SUPERVISION.  POPULATION EXPRESSING RELIEF AT AMERICAN PRESENCE.” 

From the Soviet Communication Chef:  “AMERICAN FORCES ILLEGALLY OCCUPIED THE SOVIET ZONE.  DEMANDING IMMEDIATE WITHDRAWAL TO NS DANUBE RIVER LINE PER YALTA AGREEMENTS.”

Report from Patton’s headquarters:  “THIRD ARMY HAS ESTABLISHED A MILITARY GOVERNMENT IN LINZ.  180,000 POPULATION NOW UNDER AMERICAN ADMINISTRATION.  CIVIL ORDER MAINTAINED.”

Intelligence summary:  “SOVIET MARSHALL ZHUKOV MOVING 4^TH UKRAINIAN FORWARD UNITS TOWARDS LINZ.  ESTIMATED 80,000 SOVIET TROOPS WITHIN 24 HOURS OF THE CITY.  SOVIET RECONNAISSANCE PATROLS INCREASED FREQUENCY OF CONTACT WITH AMERICAN POSITIONS.”

Ike reads each report in his office. The war is over.  Germany has surrendered and he has an army commander occupying Soviet designated territory without authorization. A cable arrives from Washington from President Truman himself:  THE SOVIET UNION HAS FULFILLED ITS OBLIGATIONS PER YALTA CONFERENCE.  WE EXPECT THE UNITED STATES TO DO THE SAME.  RESOLVE THE AUSTRIA SITUATION IMMEDIATELY.  STALIN IS QUESTIONING OUR COMMITMENT TO ALLIED UNITY.”

Another cable. This one from Churchill. It’s marked private and personal. “PATTON MAY BE INSUBORDINATE, BUT HE HAS SECURED A VITAL POSITION.  THE AUSTRIAN PEOPLE CLEARLY PREFER THE AMERICAN ADMINISTRATION TO THE SOVIETS.  I RECOMMEND WE HOLD AND NEGOTIATE FROM STRENGTH, HOWEVER I CANNOT SAY THIS PUBLICALLY.  THE DECISION IS YOURS, TRUMAN.”

Ike sets both cables down. Churchill supports Patton privately but can’t say so. Truman needs the crisis resolved before Stalin thinks America can’t control its own generals. General Marshall Cables:  “NEED THIS SOLVED BEFORE IT BECOMES A PUBLIC CONFRONTATION.”  The press is getting reports.  Stalin is making this a test of Truman’s credit.  Ike calls his staff together. “What’s Patton’s current status?” He asks for the third time in as many days. “Sir, Third Army maintains positions in and around Linz. General Patton is at his forward headquarters in the city. Soviet forces are twelve miles East and holding position.”  “Any incidents?”  “Three encounters between Soviet and American patrols.  No shots fired, but both sides dug in and watching each other.”  Ike replies: “We’re twelve hours from an armed standoff with our own allies. Somebody needs to find a solution that doesn’t involve withdrawing or opening fire. Nobody has an answer.”  That evening, Ike makes his flight to Austria. He’s going to Patton’s headquarters and he’s going to resolve this face to face.  On 9 May at 1800 hours, he boarded a C-47 transport. The flight takes 2 hours.  Generals Beetle Smith and Omar “Brad” Bradley accompany Ike to Linz. Brad is Patton’s immediate superior as commander of 12^th Army Group. Brad has been quiet through this entire crisis. Patton is his subordinate, but he knows Patton, and he knows this confrontation is inevitable.  They land at a forward air strip outside Linz where Patton is waiting. He’s in full uniform. Two pearl-handled revolvers on his belt. He salutes as Ike steps off the plane. “Welcome to Linz, sir.” Patton says. Eisenhower returns the salute. “We need to talk, George.” Now they walk to a command tent.  Maps on the table, reports stacked in corners. This is Patton’s forward headquarters, where he’s been running his unauthorized occupation of Linz. Eisenhower doesn’t dally but gets right to the point. Ike says sternly “George, I’m ordering you to withdraw to the river stop line. This comes from President Truman himself.”  Patton’s jaw tightens.  “Ike.  We both know what happens if we pull out. The Soviets move in. The same Austrians who greeted us as liberators get Soviet occupation. The survivors at Mauthausen get Soviet administration. Is that what we won this war for?”  “We won this war as allies, George. That includes the Soviets.”  Patton replies “We won this war,” his voice getting louder, “and now we’re handing half of Europe to Stalin on a silver platter. You know what he’s doing in Poland, in Romania. You’ve read the intelligence reports. We’re giving him Austria, too.  We just ended one war. You want to start another? I want to win the peace, not just the war.” There’s silence in the tent. Bradley is watching both men. Beetle stands by the entrance.  Ike walks to the map on the table. He stares at it.  The NS leg of the Danube is the line that marks the agreed boundary between American and Soviet zones. “You’re right.” Eisenhower says quietly about all of it. Patton looks at him.  “Stalin is taking everything we let him take.” Ike continues.  “The Austrian people would rather have us than the Red Army. And strategically Linz matters. You’re right.”  “So we stay?” Patton asks.  “No.” Ike says, turning to face him.  “We withdraw to the agreed line in one week.  During that one week, we negotiate with the Soviets for a different occupation line.”  “Negotiate?  With what leverage?” Patton asks.  “With the leverage that we’re currently occupying, Linz.” Ike says, “That’s your leverage, George.  You created it. Now I’m going to use it.”  Patton is silent.  “One week,” Eisenhower says, “I’ll delay the withdrawal order for one week. That gives our diplomats time to negotiate with Moscow. If we can adjust the occupation line, we adjust it. If we can’t, we will, but we do it on our terms, not Stalin’s. And if the Soviets refuse to negotiate, then we withdraw,” Ike says, “because the alternative is an armed confrontation with the Red Army in peacetime Austria, and that George, is not an option.”

Patton walks to the map. He stares at it. At the city he sees without orders, at the ground his army holds. “One week.” Patton says, finally.  “One week.” Eisenhower confirms. Patton turns back to Eisenhower. His face is hard. His voice is controlled.  “Ike, I hope someone understands that we’re on the eve of giving away the fruits of our victory to a potentially more dangerous enemy than the one we just defeated.”  The words hang in the air.  Ike doesn’t respond immediately. He looks at Patton…at the general who just articulated what would become the Cold War in May 1945, before anyone in Washington or London was ready to hear it. “I understand, George.” Ike says quietly. “I understand exactly what you’re saying.”   “Do you?”, Patton asks.  “Yes, and so does Churchill.  And so does half the intelligence community. But understanding isn’t the same as acting. We have agreements. We have alliances. We have a president who needs to build credibility with Stalin to manage the peace. And we have you in Linz without authorization creating an international incident.”   “I created an opportunity.” says Patton.  “You created a crisis.” Eisenhower counters, “But you also gave us and opportunity, so I’m using it. One week withdraw to the Danube on 15 May.  That’s final.”  Patton salutes. “Understood, sir.”  Eisenhower returns the salute. Then he does something unexpected. He extended his hand. Patton takes it. “You were right about the Soviets, George.” Ike says, “just so you know, you were right.” They shake hands, then Ike turns and walks out of the tent. Bradley follows. Beetle lingers for a moment. “General Patton,” Beetle says quietly, “for what it’s worth. A lot of people at S.H.A.E.F. agree with you.” Patton nods. “But, they can’t say it.”  Patton replies “No, sir, they can’t.” and Beetle leaves.

Patton stands alone in the tent looking at the map.  At Linz.  At the line he crossed without orders. This wasn’t just insubordination. This wasn’t tactical brilliance. This was Patton articulating the Cold War before it had a name. He saw the Soviet threat when official Allied policy was still cooperation. His unauthorized advance into Austria wasn’t reckless.  It was strategic foresight.  Ike couldn’t publicly agree, but privately he delayed the withdrawal. Six days of negotiations between American and Soviet diplomats, six days of discussion about occupation zone boundaries. The final agreement adjusted the line. Not by much, but Mauthausen and parts of Upper Austria remained under American administration during the critical transition period.  The Austrian population in those areas avoided immediate Soviet occupation and the precedent was set for future negotiations about boundaries in occupied Europe.

Patton gave Eisenhower leverage. Eisenhower used it. The system worked, but just barely. The Third Army withdrew from Linz on 15 May 1945. Not to the original NS river line, but to the modified boundary negotiated during that week.  The Soviets occupied Linz as planned, but the confrontation forced formal clarification of occupation zone boundaries that prevented future incidents. The statistics tell the story. Patton’s unauthorized advance covered 80 miles in 48 hours. U.S. forces in Linz at peak strength numbered 23,000 troops. Soviet forces that would have occupied Linz without opposition numbered over 80,000.

The duration of the standoff was eleven days. Casualties from the confrontation were zero. Though there were several very close calls, the deeper story is what Patton saw. His diary entries from May 1945 read like predictions of the next 45 years. Soviet expansion, the Iron Curtain, the division of Europe. He wrote about it.  While official Allied policy was still built on cooperation with Stalin, Ike, bound by political realities and the necessity of allied unity, couldn’t act on that foresight.  But he didn’t stop Patton immediately either.  He delayed. He negotiated.  He used the leverage Patton created.  Years later, in his presidential memoirs, Ike wrote about Patton and Austria.  “Patton’s instincts about the Soviet Union were correct, even if his timing was impossible. He wanted to hold the line in Austria. Within two years, we were drawing lines all across Europe, trying to contain exactly what he predicted.”  

Two years after Linz, the Truman Doctrine would formalize American policy of Soviet containment.  The Marshall Plan would rebuild Western Europe as a buffer against Soviet expansion. NATO would create a military alliance to counter the Red Army. Everything Patton warned about in May 1945 became official American policy by 1947. But in May 1945, he was alone, a general without orders, occupying a city he wasn’t authorized to take, facing down an ally that would become an enemy.  In December 1945, seven months after the Linz incident, Patton was involved in a “car accident” in Germany. He died from his injuries on 21 December 1945.  To his death, he believed the wrong enemy had won the peace. The Cold War that followed proved him more right than wrong, and Austria, the country he seized without orders, became one of the few neutral zones where East and West could meet on equal terms, partly because of the precedent set in those eleven chaotic days in May 1945.  The confrontation at Linz forced both sides to negotiate, to clarify boundaries, and, to establish protocols for the occupation.  The last entry in Patton’s diary written 9 December 1945, twelve days prior to his death, reads simply, “We defeated the wrong enemy.” History would spend the next half century debating whether he was right.